Nature Of American Civil War Essay Research

Nature Of American Civil War Essay, Research Paper

To what extent was the American Civil War, the first modern war.

The Great War witnessed a significant departure from the Napoleonic tactics and technology familiar to contemporary European military thinkers. Although the defining factor remains ambiguous, there is a tacit acceptance that the First World War epitomises the modern war. It was a conflict of mass armies waged with highly efficient weaponry, which, coupled with the absolute pursuit of victory, eroded the pseudo-chivilaric concepts which are widely associated with the Napoleonic era of warfare. Lying chronologically between the First World War and those of the renowned Corsican general though, there is a deal of historiographical contention as to which category the American Civil War of the 1860 s properly belongs to.

It is an indisputable verity that the industrial revolution had, as is implicit in the title, effected a great change in the developed world, in domestic and commercial fields at least. Advocates of th e case that the American Civil War was a pre-cursor to the conflict of 1914 (such as Farmer and Hagerman), base their arguments largely around the development of new technologies since the turn of the nineteenth century. Battlefield tactics during the Napoleonic era were largely necessitated by the inaccuracy (in ranges beyond 100 yards) of the ubiquitous smooth-bore musket. The inability of firepower alone to whittle down enemy formations resulted in the greater precedence given to the tactical offensive, which characterises Napoleonic conflict.

According to historians, such as Farmer, the introduction of the rifle-musket was the most significant technological development of the Civil War. The Union Springfield and Confederate Enfield rifles, could fire accurately up to 250 yards and, unlike their predecessors, were reliable even in inclement weather owing to the replacement of the tradi tional flint lock with a percussion hammer. By 1863 the new weapons were extensively used by both sides, substantiating Farmer s claim that the latter half of the conflict was more akin to a modern war. Cavalry, once the proud shock troops of war, were forced to dismount their steeds; which now served only to make them larger and more inviting targets to enemy infantry (although Griffiths refutes this, observing that cavalry were used to great effect as late as 1863 at the battle of Brandy station and that their failings elsewhere were merely the result of poor command). Officers, whose flamboyant style of dress made them susceptible to the attentions of enemy sharpshooters (Generals were 50% more likely to die than the average private), also felt a need to become more inconspicuous, donning the uniforms of normal soldiers. Infantry formations began to adapt too, as traditional deep regiment +al blocks were replaced with further spread, attack lines organised in waves. As in the First World War this new advancing structure was an attempt to avoid the concentration of fire which more traditionally arranged units faced, but was also nessecary to assault the protracted, entrenched positions of the enemy (which extended further than in Napoleonic conflicts partly owing to the greater strength lent to the defenders by improved firepower). Moreover, the gallant infantry charges which so defined the battles of the late eighteenth century, became unviable. Only 1% of casualties in the Civil War owed to the bayonet, whilst some 90% are attributed to bullets. Instead of charging enemy regiments, soldiers began to dig trenches, using grapeshot firing artillery to repel enemy frontal assaults; by 1864 almost all positions were entrenched. While this seems reminiscent of scenes of the Great War, even exponents of the modern war view such as Farmer concede that the machine gun and ordnance w eapons, which were primarily responsible for the stagnation seen in the Great War, were seldom or never used. Griffiths claims that most regiments which came under enemy s close range fire followed their natural instincts and settled down to fire back. , entrenchment then, seems to have been less a tactical innovation in response to new weaponry, as it was the immediate response of ill-led volunteer troops; an idea corroborated, to an extent, by Hagerman. While the Americans were more willing to be brutal to civilians, as soldiers they seem to have been (generally) psychologically less prepared to die than their European counterparts . In an age of individualism the citizen levies, even prior to the introduction of the Springfield, showed an unwillingness to risk their lives as mere cannon-fodder. Exponents of the modern war view such as Farmer concede that the machine gun and ordnance weapons, which were primarily responsible for the stagnation in the Great War, were either seldom, or never, used.

Despi te this, the Battle of Malvern Hill and Gettysburg seem to stand bloody testament to the weakness of the infantry charge. At Gettysburg, Pickett s Confederate soldiers outnumbered the defending Yankees almost three to one. Yet of the 12,000 soldiers who embarked, only 300 accompanied Lou Armstead as he was slaughtered on the enemies front line. Whether or not this rout of Confederate forces could have taken place were he faced with an enemy wielding muskets is debatable. Certainly his chances would have been statistically more favourable, with the opposition only