Thirty Years Essay, Research Paper
How would you account for the rise of nationalism in Scotland in the last thirty years.
Political parties and the media increasingly invoke nationalism as a vehicle to increase support or deter voters from the attraction of another party, policy or culture. Since the 1950’s Scotland has diverged from England in its patterns of political behaviour and new nationalism has developed; replacing the old romantic nationalism. What initially began as a defensive reaction to constitutional arrangements within the Union contributed positively to the renegotiating of Scotland’s rights. This assertion of autonomy in Scotland was not necessarily due to a rise in fundamental nationalism; rather the rise of modern nationalism in a form of autonomism reflected dissatisfaction with the Union. The Scottish people’s preference for a welfare state was a key factor in the voting behaviour of the Scottish electorate, yet dismissed by the Thatcher regime. A convergence of left of centre political currents in Scotland preceded the 1997 referendum. Furthermore, the strengthening of national identity through political discourse and the media encouraged nationalist sentiment. Whilst internally local government identified with the campaign for a Scottish parliament, external factors such as the emergence of the European Union and the process of globalisation influenced the course of change and perceptions of a possible independent Scotland in Europe. The last thirty years witnessed a large synthesis of reactionary forces from political and civil society, combined with the positive belief that a Scottish Parliament would be more accountable and effective, more responsive to women, serving as a model for democracy.
The very idea of a rise of nationalism in Scotland assumes a common understanding of the concept of nationalism. However, differences can be made between the emotional romantic nationalist tradition whose origins trace back to the nineteenth century and a modern conception based on the notion of contractual rights sought by advocates of home rule. This modern nationalism is not necessarily in favour of full independence for Scotland but aspires to negotiate autonomy for Scotland with Westminster. Simply to state there is a rise in Scottish nationalism neglects the coexistence of dual and multiple identities that prevail in Scotland. Gellner contends that nationalism can also be seen as primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and national unit should be congruent. He argues that behind a national movement is a national sentiment aroused by a feeling of anger from a violation of this principle. (Gellner, 1983, p.1) In their analysis of nationalism and constitutional questions, Kellas and Heath (1998) conclude that Scotland has a distinctively higher proportion of people with exclusive identities, compared with England and Wales and Ireland . These exclusive national identities are associated with subordinate positions in the social structure and with somewhat greater alienation from the workings of British democracy. Experiences in Catalonia suggest that the devolution of 1979 was successful in maintaining dual Spanish/Catalonian identities, modern nationalism is not necessarily a threatening force in Scotland but more of a reaction to the violation of principles of enduring importance to the Scottish people. Therefore, in the context of this essay, nationalism in Scotland is understood as the increasing assertion of Scotland’s rights within the Union together with the increasing support for Home Rule or independence witnessed in the last thirty years. To account for the rise of this, this essay will consider what brought the people in Scotland to demand a parliament with tax raising powers.
Dissatisfaction within the Union was certainly a catalyst for change. There are three key areas of discontent that inspired a rise in nationalist sentiment, expressed in the popular support for Home Rule. Firstly, Scotland’s constitutional position in the Union changed. Powers were becoming increasingly centralised in Westminster and threatening the contract between Scotland and England. A rise in nationalist sentiment can be partly explained by the ‘confusion of Scotland’s metaphorical social contract’ within the historical context of the Union. (Hearn 1998) The absence of an explicit social contract does not alter the fact that political action frequently proceeds as though an implicit trust has been broken. Such violation of the metaphorical social contract in Scotland is expressed in terms of autonomist politics.
Secondly, Scottish people were discontent with the gradual decline of the welfare state. The credibility of the British State started to decay in the 1960’s, as it became less able to deliver material welfare and it was then that support for a Scottish Parliament began to rise. (Brown et al, 1998) In the late 80’s Thatcher reforms moved from the economy to social policy, extending to those areas of policy that traditionally the Scottish Office administered, especially health and education. When the very existence of the welfare state was questioned under Thatcher, it inspired a strong Scottish reaction that can be interpreted as a component of this new nationalism. Preference for a welfare state was a key factor in the voting behaviour of the Scottish electorate. In a study conducted on the data from the 1
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