Mix Message In Greek Theatre Essay, Research Paper
Mixed Messages in Greek Theatre: an Examination of Vases and Written Histories
No one fully understands the nature of ancient Greek theatre. The barriers that stand between the scholars of the Twentieth Century and the truth of the theatrical practices of 5th and 4th centuries B.C. Athens are: 2,500 years of divergent cultures, incomplete collections of plays, vases, figurines, and theatre spaces, and a lack of the proper tools with which the evidence can be examined. Yet, hypotheses can be formulated, conclusions drawn, and understanding strengthened by undertaking a thorough and painstaking analysis of all the available data. A limited understanding of the Greek theatre is the ultimate promise of this continuing research. However, seeking this restricted perspective is clearly the only choice for those who have discovered the provocative remains of a great lost theatre.
Deciding what can be learned from ancient vases is a difficult problem for experts and novices alike. Questions pertaining to theatre further complicate matters with the added condition that the vase must be depicting a scene that is theatrical in nature. Green asserts that the ancient artists “were not at work to provide visual aids for textbooks and lectures. We can, with care, use them in that way as aids to a modern imagination” (Green 1995, p.13). Green’s statement brings to light the importance of cautious research into this area of history, especially keeping in mind the context in which the vases were made and used. Certainly, vases exist which are, as Green explains it, “inescapably” linked to the theatre. A sample of these well-understood vases is examined below.
Historians often agree on the subject matter of certain Greek vases because of one or more distinguishing qualities like the presence of masks, staging, inscriptions of the names of characters, and elaborate costuming. A neck-amphora by the Ixion Painter (c.350 B.C., Kiel, private collection) “represents an actor with the satyr mask he has been wearing drawn up on top of his head” (Trendall 1989, p. 161). An Apulian bell-krater by the Tarporley Painter (400-380 B.C., Sydney 47.05) depicts “three chorusmen for a satyr play” (Trendall 1971 p. 29). Two of the men hold their masks while the third begins to dance near a tambourine, the instrument further supporting the theatrical nature of the vase. All authors cited agree that the presence of masks is theatrical.
Assertions are easily made in the presence of staging, inscriptions, and elaborate costumes. One Apulian bell-krater (380-370 B.C., London B.M. F. 151) depicts a phlyax play and represents a wooden stage and masks of comic actors. An inscription describes the main character as “Cheiron.” The fourth vase to be considered is equally uncontested in its theatrical nature. A Paestan bell-krater, signed by Python, (c. 425 B.C., London F. 149) illustrates Euripides’ Alkmene with the conventions of elaborate dress and foot-wear and the names of each major character inscribed above his head. Even the most cautious historian is swayed to believe that this vase is theatrical. Although the reliability of most of the Greek vases as sources of theatre history is debatable, as is the reliability of the historians reporting on those vases.
Eight vases examined in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston are discussed here with respect to what can be understood from the primary source and the accompanying commentaries. Looking at the actual vases offers a far more vivid perspective than any high quality photograph can capture. The detail of the rich costumes is often lost, evidence of sometimes-fraudulent restorations is made clear, and the elements accentuated with color are given their due attention by the observer. The vases themselves, after all, are the true sources of all subsequent discussion.
An Attic red-figured bell-krater by Lykaon Painter (440 B.C., Boston 00.346), according to Trendall 1971 p.62, is a scene in Aeschylus’ Toxotides. On it, Actaion is being attacked by dogs. The presence of Zeus and Lyssa is evidence relating the vase to the play. The other data used for this linkage are the tragic costuming, Aktaion’s special horn mask, and the inscriptions over the actors, including one that identifies the main figure as Euaion, the son of Aeschylus. The reverse side shows two women and a youth conversing, but neither the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston nor Trendall addresses this half of the vase. Less dramatic visually, the reverse side may still depict an important dialogue in the play or perhaps audience members reacting to the performance. Notably, Trendall claims that this vase is a depiction of a scene in performance, not merely a representation of the story.
Trendall asserts that a Faliscan kalyx-krater by the Nazzano Painter (c.375 B.C., Boston 1970.487) is probably “derived from a stage production” of Euripides’ Telephos (Trendall 1971, p.104). The vase lacks inscriptions, but the ornate costuming, including decorated boots and drapery seem to indicate tragic conventions. Again, however, no mention is made by the museum or Trendall on the contents of the reverse side which, in this case, is a scene with satyrs and Dionysus. The presence of satyrs and the god may indicate a theatrical scene or merely the visitation of Dionysus. The possibility is never examined by Trendall. Also, th
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