The Rise Of Black Conservatism Essay Research

The Rise Of Black Conservatism Essay, Research Paper

Part One: A Question of Perception.

The words were wholly ironic:

We must pursue a strategy that prohibits one party from taking us for granted and another party from writing us

off.

Jesse Jackson, when addressing the Republican National Committee in 1978, said this about the black vote in America, but has

consistently proven himself to be the main violator of their spirit in the modern era. To him they were mere words. To others,

though, the singular truth they express still stands — and has even begun to take shape.

1996 marks the end of the beginning of the rise of a conservative movement within the black community. A few years ago such

a phrase would have drawn nothing but chuckles, but now the movement is visible enough to be noticed by the politicos and

media outlets that are paying attention to such things. In a few years black conservatism will be a force to be dealt with by both

parties.

More and more individuals are stepping forward, more and more organizations are being formed, more and more voices are

being heard from blacks whose positions on issues match more closely with Ronald Reagan than Jesse Jackson. At the time

these choices are to go against the grain — these people are saying things not in tune with many leaders in their community. And

they say them not to stand out, but to lead. Not to move against, but to move ahead.

Indeed, when former chairman of the joint chiefs of staff Colin Powell finally announced he would not enter the political race in

1996 he took the opportunity of the limelight to announce that he was, that day, registering as a Republican. In his stances he

was an exception that proved a new rule.

Powell, after all, is moderate where many studies show the majority of blacks to be quite conservative. Powell said he was

pro-choice, but blacks tend to be more pro-life than whites according to research. Powell called himself a progressive and a

Rockefeller Republican but, indeed, most blacks find themselves on the side of conservatives on many social issues.

Polls have revealed that most blacks, in stark contrast to the self-appointed race leaders often sought out by the conventional

media, favor strong anti-crime measures and significant reform of entitlement programs.

In fact, 1988 ABC exit polling showed that 18 percent of blacks described themselves as conservatives (while only around 10

percent vote that way). And an article in the Spring 1992 issue of Political Science Quarterly showed that on abortion, law

enforcement, special status for homosexuals, prayer in schools, welfare reform and more, studies and polls reveal the black

population as often being more conservative than the white population.

In a Black Enterprise survey in the July 1992 issue, despite some heavy liberal spin, a few interesting numbers stood out: 39.9

percent of respondents said significant tax cuts were the way to get the economy moving again and 53.4 percent said tax cuts

would be the best way to improve their personal economic situation. On welfare reform 60.5 percent said that learnfare

programs where schooling is required to get financial assistance were the way to go. On the whole, some very conservative

economic principles are at work in these numbers.

This is not to say that there are not issues on which the majority of blacks disagree with the standard conservative line. There

are many. It seems, though, that there is a larger base for traditional conservative themes within the black community than within

the white. The disconnect of these people from mainstream conservatism seems to be the association of the Republican Party

with either racist or anti-civil rights tones.

This association of the right with poor stances on race is not an insurmountable one, however. This is best proven by the fact

that this has not always been the perception — that at one time, in fact, the opposite was true.

Part Two: Who left whom.

Political decision-making for blacks in America, quite obviously, began with emancipation which did not fully come into effect

until after Republican Abraham Lincoln s death, when his Democrat-cum-Unionist vice president, Andrew Johnson succeeded

him. Johnson s views, though, differed sharply with those of Lincoln and the Radical Republicans in the Congress and he

vetoed the Civil Rights Bill in 1866 that granted federal protection of freedmen s rights, pointing out that he thought it

unconstitutional.

The Radical Republicans overrode the veto and the legislation became law on April 9, 1866. To erase any question of such a

law s constitutionality, the Fourteenth Amendment was drafted and put out to the states — with the radicals making clear that

passage of it was a mandatory ingredient in the Southern state s eventual full re-admission to the Union.

With that threat in the air and an even more pro-suffrage Congress in place, the First Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867

was passed and America entered a period called the Radical R

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