, Research Paper
Mary Reynolds
April 24, 2000
Dr. Boitano
U.S. Foreign Policy
The Rise of the Superpower
Russia and the United States grew to become the main superpowers in the arena
of international relations during a specific time in history. The emergence of these two
countries as superpowers can be traced back to World War II. In order to be a
superpower, a nation needs to have a strong economy, an overpowering military,
immense political power, and a strong national ideology (Aga-Rossi 65). It was World
War II, and its results that caused each of these countries to experience such a plurality of
power (Ovyany 97). Before the war, both nations were fit to be described as great
powers, but it would be incorrect to say that they were superpowers at that point.
To understand how the second World War impacted these nations so greatly, the
causes of the war must be examined. The United States gained its strength in world
affairs from its status as an economic power. Prior to the war, America was the world.s
largest producer. During the same time in Russia, Stalin was implementing his .five year
plan. to modernize the Soviet economy. From these situations, similar foreign policies
resulted.
It is important to discuss the leaders and their strategies during this time to
understand how these countries became superpowers. Many U.S. citizens believed that
America entered the war in order to save capitalist investments in Europe. Whether this
is the case or not, President Roosevelt signed the Neutrality Act of 1935, making it illegal
for the United States to ship arms to the antagonists of any conflict (Aga-Rossi 68). The
act also stated that the antagonists could only buy non-armaments from the U.S., and even
these were only to be bought with cash (Aga-Rossi 69).
In contrast, although Stalin was interested in European affairs it was only to the
extent to keep Russia out of war. Stalin wanted to consolidate Communist power and
modernize the country.s industry. The Soviet Union was committed to collective action
for peace, as long as that commitment did not mean that the Soviet Union would in turn
face a potential Nazi attack. Examples of this can be seen in the Soviet Union.s attempts
to achieve a mutual assistance treaty with Britain and France. These treaties, however,
were designed more to create security for the West, as opposed to keeping all three
signatories from harm. At the same time, Stalin was attempting to polarize both the
Anglo-French, and the Axis powers against each other. The important result of this was
the Nazi-Soviet non-aggression pact, which petitioned Poland and allowed Hitler to start
the war (Divine 31). Another side-effect of Stalin.s policy of playing both sides was that
it caused incredible distrust towards the Soviets from the Western powers after 1940.
Author Robert A. Divine adds, .this was due in part to the fact that Stalin made several
demands for both influence in the Dardanelles, and for Bulgaria to be recognized as a
Soviet independent. (31).
The seeds of superpowerdom lies here, R.J. Overy wrote .stability in Europe
might have been achieved through the existence of powers so strong that they could
impose their will on the whole of the international system, as has been the case since
1945. (215). At the time, there was no power in the world that could achieve such a feat.
Britain and France were in sovereign decline, and more concerned about colonial
economics than the stability of Europe. Both imperial powers assumed that
.empire-building. would necessarily be an inevitable feature of the world system.
German aggression could have been stifled early, had the imperial powers acted
simultaneously. The memories of World War One, however, were too powerful and the
general public would not condone a military solution at that point (Morrison 35).
After the economic crisis of the 1930.s, Britain and France lost much of their
former international standing. As the world markets plummeted, so did their relative
power. The two nations were determined to maintain their status as great powers, without
relying on the U.S. or Russia for support of any kind. They went to war only because
further appeasement would have only served to remove from them their little remaining
world standing and prestige (LeFerber 127).
The creation of a non-aggression pact between the Soviet Union and Germany can
be viewed as an example of imperial decline as well. The common desire of many of the
great European powers for a change in the world state system meant that either a massive
war would have to be fought; or that one of the great powers would need to attempt a leap
to superpower status (Dukes 101). One of two ways war could have been avoided was
for the United State or Russia to have taken powerful and vigorous action against
Germany in 1939. Robert A. Divine holds
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