Quebec Nationalism Essay Research Paper It is

Quebec Nationalism Essay, Research Paper

It is sometimes hard for English Canadians to grasp how deeply many French Canadians feel the loss of control over their identity. A generation ago, it was summed up in a book by FLQ philosopher Pierre Vallieres, who compared the plight of Quebecers to the oppression of blacks in the United States in his book White Niggers of America. In his manifesto, Vallieres discussed the determination of the workers in Quebec to put an end to three centuries of exploitation, of injustices borne in silence, of sacrifices accepted in vain; to bear witness to their new and increasingly energetic determination to take control of their economic, political, and social affairs (1971). Although most French Canadians do not see themselves as victims of slavery, most do believe they and their culture have been subjected by oppression at the hands of English Canada. Quebec nationalism finds its roots in a nation’s struggle to protect its culture, its language, and ultimately its identity. In the eyes of nationalists, the term “province” serves to equate Quebec with Canada’s other territorial units when in fact, for many francophones, Quebec is not just a province with a difference, it is a nation and deserving of recognition as such (McRoberts, 1995).

In this paper, I intend to prove that the rise of Quebec nationalism and of Quebec’s political community, is a direct result of Canada’s failure throughout history to address and resolve the issues and problems that are inherent to Quebec. Quebec’s political institutions command an allegiance among Quebec francophones that has no clear parallel in the other provinces. Underlying this allegiance is the simple fact that while the federal government is responsible to a predominantly anglophone electorate, the Quebec government is responsible to a predominantly francophone electorate (Parti Quebecois, 1994). By tracing the origins and development of nationalism since Confederation, as well as the critical events that took place during the Quiet Revolution, I will ascertain that to Quebec francophones, only the Quebec government can be entrusted with their distinctive interests.

As Canadians today continue to agonize over the shape of the nation, it is instructive to recall our nation’s history. It explains why Canada is still locked in a seemingly endless constitutional debate, as well as why some francophones want Quebec to separate from the rest of Canada. From the beginning, Confederation created a gulf in perception between English Canada and French Canada. It has been argued that for the English Fathers of Confederation, the descendants of the conquerors of Canada, Confederation meant the creation of a strong central government over four provinces; while for the French Fathers of Confederation, the proud survivors of that conquest, Confederation meant the union of two founding nations (Janigan, 1990). John A. Macdonald wanted to create a strong central government for Canada as he was appalled by the Civil War raging south of the border, whereas Georges-Etienne Cartier insisted upon strong provincial powers to protect Quebec’s language and its Roman Catholic school. The result was a fascinating compromise whereby Ottawa received powers over matters such as the regulation of trade and commerce, while the provinces received control over such areas as education and the administration of justice. In Quebec, the Catholic Church was afforded a privileged position within these formal institutions, and the Civil Code was entrenched within the legal structures. In clerical hands, the essence of the French-Canadian nation became Catholicism, as citizens were to rely on the institutions of the Church rather than on governments and politicians (McRoberts, 1995). Implicit in this ideology was that nation greatness was to lie in godliness and spirituality rather than in material accomplishments.

From the beginning of Confederation, Quebec tried to develop a new Canadianism that would embrace the cultures of both founding nations and provide the foundation for a bicultural country. However, soon after Confederation, French Canadians began to wonder if they were destined to be relegated to Quebec. As early as 1868, French schools were threatened with closure in New Brunswick, and they were ultimately closed in Manitoba in 1890 and in Ontario in 1916. When Saskatchewan and Alberta achieved provincial status in 1905, they made no provision for a publicly supported French-language school system. Clearly, a belief in the importance of dualism, which French Canada considered to be the cornerstone of Confederation, was not shared by all Canadians. The English group made it very clear that they still considered themselves descendants of the conquerors, as they emotionally refused Canadian duality outside Quebec (Dufour, 1991). Louis Riel, who led the struggle to ensure the rights of francophones in the west during the 1870s and 1880s, learned the brutal reality of Canadian expansion in the western provinces. He was hanged for his efforts and soon became a symbol to Quebecers of the prospects for francophone cultural survival outside of Quebec. Historian Real Belanger theorizes the Riel affair coupled with the threat of school closures in other provinces produced a strengthened conviction that Quebec was really the heart of the French Canadian nation – the place where, for the time being, they were most protected