Critical Evaluation Of Castro

’s Afro-Cuban Policies Essay, Research Paper

Critical Evaluation of Castro’s Afro-Cuban Policies

Critically evaluate the following description of the Castro regime in Cuba:

“An afro-phobic regime with an afro-centric foreign policy”

The “blackening” of Cuba had its roots in the 1700 s during the Sugar Revolution( 1762-1800). The labor of African slaves was a substantial asset to sugar production, and therefore large amounts of native Africans were relocated to Cuba. As time progressed the number of black Cubans fluctuated, peaking in the mid 19th century when they constituted the majority of the population. This “enigricimiento” or “blackening” of Cuba developed into a fear of black power that fueled racist divisions in pre-revolutionary Cuba.

But was Castro himself Afro-phobic? Though no one can know the thoughts of the man himself, it does not seem altogether likely. His positive actions, such as the passing of the March, 1959 civil rights legislation, appear to be anything but racist. Although this can be alternatively argued after the Castro regime s failure to redistribute power and later lack of dialogue on the subject. More likely though, is the possibility of Castro s lack of awareness of the depth of racial divisions in Cuba. To him, the revolution was not a question of race, but one of national unity. Perhaps this stems from his personal and educational background.

Castro was brought up in a “white world” where the people surrounding him were overwhelmingly not Afro-Cuban. His parents, teachers, and friends were white and subsequently, race was not originally an issue for him. Perhaps this is why he does not address race in his speech La Historia me Absolvera, and continues to give the impression of racial homogeneity. His Marxist beliefs also benefited this perception, holding the idea that racism was a result of class distinction, and if class distinction were eliminated, as planned in Castro s nationalist revolution, racism would effectively disappear. Thus, with this background it may have been easy for Castro to misinterpret the question of race, and miscalculate its consequences. From this possibility developed the concept that the civil rights laws were passed by a government clueless about race, allowing racism to survive implicitly and the government to convince itself that it had effectively eradicated the problem.

The next question that arises is, how could Castro have appeared to be in support of Afro-Cubans and gained their favor against the existing Batista regime, while Batista was of African descent himself? In fact, not only was Batista of Afro-Chinese heritage, but he was personally involved in popular black culture of the time and was previously supported by the black population. Still, the educational platform, as well as wage, price, and rent controls, instated by the Castro regime won the preference of those who received the benefits: the poor; mostly black Cubans.

First, it is important to cite the fact that the benefits of education and economic controls were aimed at the poor. That many of these poor Cubans were black was within Castro s understanding, but his policy decisions were more likely motivated by desires for solidarity and wider support. Following from Castro s ideological influences, he advocated the eradication of class distinction over racism. Or more explicitly, the elimination of racism as a result of the abolition of class distinction. Thus, most of the benefits to black Cubans remained at the level of poverty; far from positions of power and influence.

This concept becomes more apparent when we examine some of the other benefits given to Afro-Cubans. Although Castro outlawed public racism and discrimination in March 1959, the effects did not run deep. Blacks gained a newfound freedom to sun themselves on formerly private beaches, play sports, and walk in parks, yet by 1965 still only 9% of the Central Committee of the CCP were black; not at all increased in from the previous twenty years. Though blacks could now dine in their restaurant of choice, they still held no political authority in Cuba.

Underscoring the lack of political presence was a general lack of recognition in Cuban culture. Books, magazines, and television shows were often bereft of black faces. Careerwise, blacks were still disproportionately allocated to menial, semi-skilled, and laboring professions, and could not commonly attain high level, supervisory, or publicly recognizable roles. These evidences of discrimination also had wider effects than the obvious. As a result, Afro-Cubans suffered a discrepancy of economics. By definition of having positions of less power, responsibility, and prestige, Afro-Cubans had positions of less income. Thus, as a group their purchasing power was low; an evidence of lack of economic wealth, influence, and power.

The continuation of racism in Cuba, highlighted by the lack of Afro-Cuban representation within the power structure was again re-enforced by educational policies. In the beginning of the revolution, after the passing of the civil rights laws, schools were still not instructed to address black culture. African history was not at all a focal point of education, and most Cuban heroes and cultural icons remained white. Additionally, traditionally European forms of entertainment, such as opera and ballet were considered “culture”